"Socialism would gather all power to the supreme party and party leaders, rising like stately pinnacles above their vast bureaucracies of civil servants no longer servants, no longer civil." - Sir Winston Churchill

Monday, November 21, 2005

Sacred Cows

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The Left has always had it's "sacred cows." "Sacred cow" refers to any person or policy that is held to be above criticism. The list has included Margarett Sanger, Martin Luther King, Jr., Jesse Jackson, Social Security and other social welfare programs, the Minimum Wage, Rent-Control and Gays. This list is of course, not exhaustive for there have been many more "sacred cows" whose usefullness to the Left is fleeting and short-lived: Cindy Sheehan, Richard Clark, Joe Wilson and the families of 9/11 victims who criticised the Bush administration.


The Left loves its "sacred cows" because it allows them to be nasty and polemical, making wildly irresponsible and irrational personal and political attacks while remaining free from criticism or objection. That's right, not only can one not criticise Leftist "sacred cows," one may not even disagree with them; for mere disagreement is itself, painted as a vicious personal attack. This is rather odd considering the fact that the Left is always first to claim that nothing and no one is above criticism.


The new popular "sacred cow" is Congressman John Murtha (D-Pa), who has called for a pull-out in Iraq coupled with personal attacks against both the President and Vice-President. Note the civil nature of the following quote from Murtha referring to the Vice-President, "I like guys who got five deferments and [have] never been there and send people to war, and then don't like to hear suggestions about what needs to be done."


Republicans who have criticised Murtha's policy positions on the war - setting aside his personal attacks on the President and Vice-President - have been vilified for having the audacity to criticise as "decroated Vietnam War veteran." With all due respect to his service in Vietnam, the fact remains that Congressman Murtha is a politician today. He has proposed a policy that many people find foolish and irresponsible. Many of those who currently serve in the military view any retreat in the face of danger as the epitome of cowardice. Are those who disagree with Congressman Murtha, barred from voicing their disagreement with and criticism of his ideas? If we listen to Democrats and their willing accomplices in the media the answer is a resounding, "yes."

Friday, November 18, 2005

Why the United States Invaded Iraq

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I was going to write a brief piece dilineating the specific issues as outlined by the President and Congress as justifications for the use of military force in Iraq. This seemed necessary as Democrats have repeatedly stated that the only reason given for the war was the belief that Iraq possessed "stockpiles" of WMD. I've decided instead to let the facts speak for themselves. Here is the entire text of the Congressional declaration of war with Iraq:



IRAQ WAR RESOLUTION 107th CONGRESS2d SessionH. J. RES.
114October 10, 2002


JOINT RESOLUTION To authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq.


Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq's war of aggression against and illegal occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a coalition of nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order to defend the national security of the United States and enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq;


Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into a United Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to which Iraq unequivocally agreed, among other things, to eliminate its nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs and the means to deliver and develop them, and to end its support for international terrorism;


Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United States intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear weapons development program that was much closer to producing a nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously indicated;


Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, attempted to thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify and destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and development capabilities, which finally resulted in the withdrawal of inspectors from Iraq on October 31, 1998;


Whereas in Public Law 105-235 (August 14, 1998), Congress concluded that Iraq's continuing weapons of mass destruction programs threatened vital United States interests and international peace and security, declared Iraq to be in `material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations' and urged the President `to take appropriate action, in accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international obligations';


Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security of the United States and international peace and security in the Persian Gulf region and remains in material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations by, among other things, continuing to possess and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and supporting and harboring terrorist organizations;


Whereas Iraq persists in violating resolution of the United Nations Security Council by continuing to engage in brutal repression of its civilian population thereby threatening international peace and security in the region, by refusing to release, repatriate, or account for non-Iraqi citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, including an American serviceman, and by failing to return property wrongfully seized by Iraq from Kuwait;


Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations and its own people;


Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its continuing hostility toward, and willingness to attack, the United States, including by attempting in 1993 to assassinate former President Bush and by firing on many thousands of occasions on United States and Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council;


Whereas members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including the attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq;


Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist organizations, including organizations that threaten the lives and safety of United States citizens;


Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001, underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by international terrorist organizations;


Whereas Iraq's demonstrated capability and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction, the risk that the current Iraqi regime will either employ those weapons to launch a surprise attack against the United States or its Armed Forces or provide them to international terrorists who would do so, and the extreme magnitude of harm that would result to the United States and its citizens from such an attack, combine to justify action by the United States to defend itself;


Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) authorizes the use of all necessary means to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 660 (1990) and subsequent relevant resolutions and to compel Iraq to cease certain activities that threaten international peace and security, including the development of weapons of mass destruction and refusal or obstruction of United Nations weapons inspections in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 (1991), repression of its civilian population in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688 (1991), and threatening its neighbors or United Nations operations in Iraq in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 949 (1994);


Whereas in the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), Congress has authorized the President `to use United States Armed Forces pursuant to United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in order to achieve implementation of Security Council Resolution 660, 661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 677';


Whereas in December 1991, Congress expressed its sense that it `supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 as being consistent with the Authorization of Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1),' that Iraq's repression of its civilian population violates United Nations Security Council Resolution 688 and `constitutes a continuing threat to the peace, security, and stability of the Persian Gulf region,' and that Congress, `supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688';


Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-338) expressed the sense of Congress that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove from power the current Iraqi regime and promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime;


Whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the United States to `work with the United Nations Security Council to meet our common challenge' posed by Iraq and to `work for the necessary resolutions,' while also making clear that `the Security Council resolutions will be enforced, and the just demands of peace and security will be met, or action will be unavoidable';


Whereas the United States is determined to prosecute the war on terrorism and Iraq's ongoing support for international terrorist groups combined with its development of weapons of mass destruction in direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 cease-fire and other United Nations Security Council resolutions make clear that it is in the national security interests of the United States and in furtherance of the war on terrorism that all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions be enforced, including through the use of force if necessary;


Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war on terrorism through the provision of authorities and funding requested by the President to take the necessary actions against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;


Whereas the President and Congress are determined to continue to take all appropriate actions against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;


Whereas the President has authority under the Constitution to take action in order to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States, as Congress recognized in the joint resolution on Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40); and


Whereas it is in the national security interests of the United States to restore international peace and security to the Persian Gulf region: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,


SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.This joint resolution may be cited as the `Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002'.


SEC. 2. SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS. The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by the President to--


(1) strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq and encourages him in those efforts; and


(2) obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.


SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.


(a) AUTHORIZATION- The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to--


(1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and


(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.


(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION- In connection with the exercise of the authority granted in subsection (a) to use force the President shall, prior to such exercise or as soon thereafter as may be feasible, but no later than 48 hours after exercising such authority, make available to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate his determination that--


(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic or other peaceful means alone either (A) will not adequately protect the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead to enforcement of all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq; and


(2) acting pursuant to this joint resolution is consistent with the United States and other countries continuing to take the necessary actions against international terrorist and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.


(c) War Powers Resolution Requirements-


(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION- Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of the War Powers Resolution.


(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS- Nothing in this joint resolution supersedes any requirement of the War Powers Resolution.


SEC. 4. REPORTS TO CONGRESS. (a) REPORTS- The President shall, at least once every 60 days, submit to the Congress a report on matters relevant to this joint resolution, including actions taken pursuant to the exercise of authority granted in section 3 and the status of planning for efforts that are expected to be required after such actions are completed, including those actions described in section 7 of the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-338).


(b) SINGLE CONSOLIDATED REPORT- To the extent that the submission of any report described in subsection (a) coincides with the submission of any other report on matters relevant to this joint resolution otherwise required to be submitted to Congress pursuant to the reporting requirements of the War Powers Resolution (Public Law 93-148), all such reports may be submitted as a single consolidated report to the Congress.


(c) RULE OF CONSTRUCTION- To the extent that the information required by section 3 of the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) is included in the report required by this section, such report shall be considered as meeting the requirements of section 3 of such resolution.



Need I say more?

Tuesday, November 15, 2005

Just a Thought

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A typical exchange with a devout Leftist, George Bush-hater goes as follows:



Leftist: "Bush lied about WMD to take America to war"



Answer: Aactually he simply relied upon and reiterated the same claims made by the former administration, various members of the Democratic party and numerous foreign leaders."



Leftist: "But Bush is the one who took us to war over it."



Now, I could be wrong, but its seems to me that what they are saying is that Bush is to be vilified because he acted in the face of a perceived threat to US national security. What they would prefer is that their leaders merely voiced grave concern about such things while doing absolutely nothing. Never mind the fact that in the face of such dangers the President, and Congress for that matter, is duty bound to act on America's behalf. Failure to do so could justifiably be ruled official nonfeasance. I admit however that the only authority I have for this position is little thing called the Constitution of the United States of America (Article II, Section 2 and Article I, Section 8, respectively).



Let me see if I understand this: Bush should have acted in the interest answering a perceived threat to US national security (attacks on 9/11) based upon intelligence information which everyone reasonably believed to be inaccurate yet he should not have acted in the interest of answering a perceived threat to US national security (Iraq WMD) based upon intelligence information which everyone reasonably believed to be accurate.



I have but one question for those who maintain the "Bush lied about WMD" theory: If the President is evil enough to have lied about the existence of WMD apparently feeling so strongly about it that he participated in a grand international conspiracy to manufacture false intelligence, long before he was elected to the office of the President, wouldn't we have found stockpiles of WMD by now? I mean, surely they would have ensured that WMD were planted sporadically about Iraq where they could be "found" by investigators after the invasion. Just a thought.